3.24

Let not that which in another is contrary to nature be an evil to you: for you are not formed by nature to be depressed with others nor to be unhappy with others, but to be happy with them. If a man is unhappy, remember that his unhappiness is his own fault: for God has made all men to be happy, to be free from perturbations. For this purpose he has given means to them, some things to each person as his own, and other things not as his own; some things subject to hindrance and compulsion and deprivation, and these things are not a man’s own; but the things which are not subject to hindrances, are his own. And the nature of good and evil, as it was fit to be done by him who takes care of us and protects us like a father, he has made our own.⁠—But you say: I have parted from a certain person, and he is grieved.⁠—Why did he consider as his own that which belongs to another? Why, when he looked on you and was rejoiced, did he not also reckon that you are mortal, that it is natural for you to part from him for a foreign country? Therefore he suffers the consequences of his own folly. But why do you1 or for what purpose bewail yourself? Is it that you also have not thought of these things? but like poor women who are good for nothing, you have enjoyed all things in which you took pleasure, as if you would always enjoy them, both places and men and conversation; and now you sit and weep because you do not see the same persons and do not live in the same places.⁠—Indeed you deserve this, to be more wretched than crows and ravens who have the power of flying where they please and changing their nests for others, and crossing the seas without lamenting or regretting their former condition.⁠—“Yes, but this happens to them because they are irrational creatures.”⁠—Was reason then given to us by the gods for the purpose of unhappiness and misery, that we may pass our lives in wretchedness and lamentation? Must all persons be immortal and must no man go abroad, and must we ourselves not go abroad, but remain rooted like plants; and if any of our familiar friends goes abroad, must we sit and weep; and on the contrary, when he returns, must we dance and clap our hands like children?

Shall we not now wean ourselves and remember what we have heard from the philosophers? If we did not listen to them as if they were jugglers: they tell us that this world is one city,2 and the substance out of which it has been formed is one, and that there must be a certain period, and that some things must give way to others, that some must be dissolved, and others come in their place; some to remain in the same place, and others to be moved; and that all things are full of friendship, first of the gods,3 and then of men who by nature are made to be of one family; and some must be with one another, and others must be separated, rejoicing in those who are with them, and not grieving for those who are removed from them; and man in addition to being by nature of a noble temper and having a contempt of all things which are not in the power of his will, also possesses this property not to be rooted nor to be naturally fixed to the earth, but to go at different times to different places, sometimes from the urgency of certain occasions, and at others merely for the sake of seeing. So it was with Ulysses, who saw

Of many men the states, and learned their ways.4

And still earlier it was the fortune of Hercules to visit all the inhabited world

Seeing men’s lawless deeds and their good rules of law;5

casting out and clearing away their lawlessness and introducing in their place good rules of law. And yet how many friends do you think that he had in Thebes, how many in Argos, how many in Athens? and how many do you think that he gained by going about? And he married also, when it seemed to him a proper occasion, and begot children, and left them without lamenting or regretting or leaving them as orphans; for he knew that no man is an orphan; but it is the father who takes care of all men always and continuously. For it was not as mere report that he had heard that Zeus is the father of men, for he thought that Zeus was his own father, and he called him so, and to him he looked when he was doing what he did. Therefore he was enabled to live happily in all places. And it is never possible for happiness and desire of what is not present to come together. For that which is happy must have all6 that it desires, must resemble a person who is filled with food, and must have neither thirst nor hunger.⁠—“But Ulysses felt a desire for his wife and wept as he sat on a rock.”⁠—Do you attend to Homer and his stories in everything? Or if Ulysses really wept, what was he else than an unhappy man? and what good man is unhappy? In truth the whole is badly administered, if Zeus does not take care of his own citizens that they may be happy like himself. But these things are not lawful nor right to think of: and if Ulysses did weep and lament, he was not a good man. For who is good if he knows not who he is? and who knows what he is, if he forgets that things which have been made are perishable, and that it is not possible for one human being to be with another always? To desire then things which are impossible is to have a slavish character, and is foolish: it is the part of a stranger, of a man who fights against God in the only way that he can, by his opinions.

“But my mother laments when she does not see me.”⁠—Why has she not learned these principles? and I do not say this, that we should not take care that she may not lament, but I say that we ought not to desire in every way what is not our own. And the sorrow of another is another’s sorrow: but my sorrow is my own. I then will stop my own sorrow by every means, for it is in my power: and the sorrow of another I will endeavor to stop as far as I can; but I will not attempt to do it by every means; for if I do, I shall be fighting against God, I shall be opposing Zeus and shall be placing myself against him in the administration of the universe; and the reward (the punishment) of this fighting against God and of this disobedience not only will the children of my children pay, but I also shall myself, both by day and by night, startled by dreams, perturbed, trembling at every piece of news, and having my tranquillity depending on the letters of others.⁠—“Some person has arrived from Rome. I only hope that there is no harm.” But what harm can happen to you, where you are not?⁠—“From Hellas (Greece) someone is come: I hope that there is no harm.”⁠—In this way every place may be the cause of misfortune to you. Is it not enough for you to be unfortunate there where you are, and must you be so even beyond sea, and by the report of letters? Is this the way in which your affairs are in a state of security?⁠—“Well then suppose that my friends have died in the places which are far from me.”⁠—What else have they suffered than that which is the condition of mortals? Or how are you desirous at the same time to live to old age, and at the same time not to see the death of any person whom you love? Know you not that in the course of a long time many and various kinds of things must happen; that a fever shall overpower one, a robber another, and a third a tyrant? Such is the condition of things around us, such are those who live with us in the world: cold and heat, and unsuitable ways of living, and journeys by land, and voyages by sea, and winds, and various circumstances which surround us, destroy one man, and banish another, and throw one upon an embassy and another into an army. Sit down then in a flutter at all these things, lamenting, unhappy, unfortunate, dependent on another, and dependent not on one or two, but on ten thousands upon ten thousands.

Did you hear this when you were with the philosophers? did you learn this? do you not know that human life is a warfare? that one mail must keep watch, another must go out as a spy, and a third must fight? and it is not possible that all should be in one place, nor is it better that it should be so. But you neglecting to do the commands of the general complain when anything more hard than usual is imposed on you, and you do not observe what you make the army become as far as it is in your power; that if all imitate you, no man will dig a trench, no man will put a rampart round, nor keep watch, nor expose himself to danger, but will appear to be useless for the purposes of an army. Again, in a vessel if you go as a sailor, keep to one place and stick to it. And if you are ordered to climb the mast, refuse; if to run to the head of the ship, refuse; and what master of a ship will endure you? and will he not pitch you overboard as a useless thing, an impediment only and bad example to the other sailors? And so it is here also: every man’s life is a kind of warfare, and it is long and diversified. You must observe the duty of a soldier and do everything at the nod of the general; if it is possible, divining what his wishes are: for there is no resemblance between that general and this, neither in strength nor in superiority of character. You are placed in a great office of command and not in any mean place; but you are always a senator. Do you not know that such a man must give little time to the affairs of his household, but be often away from home, either as a governor or one who is governed, or discharging some office, or serving in war or acting as a judge? Then do you tell me that you wish, as a plant, to be fixed to the same places and to be rooted?⁠—“Yes, for it is pleasant.”⁠—Who says that it is not? but a soup is pleasant, and a handsome woman is pleasant. What else do those say who make pleasure their end? Do you not see of what men you have uttered the language? that it is the language of Epicureans and catamites? Next while you are doing what they do and holding their opinions, do you speak to us the words of Zeno and of Socrates? Will you not throw away as far as you can the things belonging to others with which you decorate yourself, though they do not fit you at all? For what else do they desire than to sleep without hindrance and free from compulsion, and when they have risen to yawn at their leisure, and to wash the face, then write and read what they choose, and then talk about some trifling matter being praised by their friends whatever they may say, then to go forth for a walk, and having walked about a little to bathe, and then eat and sleep, such sleep as is the fashion of such men? why need we say how? for one can easily conjecture. Come, do you also tell your own way of passing the time which you desire, you who are an admirer of truth and of Socrates and Diogenes. What do you wish to do in Athens? the same (that others do), or something else? Why then do you call yourself a Stoic? Well, but they who falsely call themselves Roman citizens,7 are severely punished; and should those, who falsely claim so great and reverend a thing and name, get off unpunished? Or is this not possible, but the law divine and strong and inevitable is this, which exacts the severest punishments from those who commit the greatest crimes? For what does this law say? Let him who pretends to things which do not belong to him be a boaster, a vainglorious man:8 let him who disobeys the divine administration be base, and a slave; let him suffer grief, let him be envious, let him pity;9 and in a word let him be unhappy and lament.

“Well then; do you wish me to pay court to a certain person? to go to his doors?”10⁠—If reason requires this to be done for the sake of country, for the sake of kinsmen, for the sake of mankind, why should you not go? You are not ashamed to go to the doors of a shoemaker, when you are in want of shoes, nor to the door of a gardener, when you want lettuces; and are you ashamed to go to the doors of the rich when you want anything?⁠—“Yes, for I have no awe of a shoemaker.”⁠—Don’t feel any awe of the rich.⁠—“Nor will I flatter the gardener.”⁠—And do not flatter the rich.⁠—“How then shall I get what I want?”⁠—Do I say to you, go as if you were certain to get what you want? And do not I only tell you, that you may do what is becoming to yourself? “Why then should I still go?” That you may have gone, that you may have discharged the duty of a citizen, of a brother, of a friend. And further remember that you have gone to the shoemaker, to the seller of vegetables, who have no power in anything great or noble, though he may sell dear. You go to buy lettuces: they cost an obolus (penny), but not a talent. So it is here also. The matter is worth going for to the rich man’s door⁠—Well, I will go⁠—It is worth talking about⁠—Let it be so; I will talk with him⁠—But you must also kiss his hand and flatter him with praise⁠—Away with that, it is a talent’s worth: it is not profitable to me, nor to the state nor to my friends, to have done that which spoils a good citizen and a friend.⁠—“But you will seem not to have been eager about the matter, if you do not succeed.” Have you again forgotten why you went? Know you not that a good man does nothing for the sake of appearance, but for the sake of doing right?⁠—“What advantage is it then to him to have done right?”⁠—And what advantage is it to a man who writes the name of Dion to write it as he ought?⁠—The advantage is to have written it.⁠—“Is there no reward then?”11⁠—Do you seek a reward for a good man greater than doing what is good and just? At Olympia you wish for nothing more, but it seems to you enough to be crowned at the games. Does it seem to you so small and worthless a thing to be good and happy? For these purposes being introduced by the gods into this city (the world), and it being now your duty to undertake the work of a man, do you still want nurses also and a mamma, and do foolish women by their weeping move you and make you effeminate? Will you thus never cease to be a foolish child? Know you not that he who does the acts of a child, the older he is, the more ridiculous he is?

In Athens did you see no one by going to his house?⁠—“I visited any man that I pleased.”⁠—Here also be ready to see, and you will see whom you please: only let it be without meanness, neither with desire nor with aversion, and your affairs will be well managed. But this result does not depend on going nor on standing at the doors, but it depends on what is within, on your opinions. When you have learned not to value things which are external and not dependent on the will, and to consider that not one of them is your own, but that these things only are your own, to exercise the judgment well, to form opinions, to move towards an object, to desire, to turn from a thing, where is there any longer room for flattery, where for meanness? Why do you still long for the quiet there (at Athens), and for the places to which you are accustomed? Wait a little and you will again find these places familiar: then, if you are of so ignoble a nature, again if you leave these also, weep and lament.

“How then shall I become of an affectionate temper?” By being of a noble disposition, and happy. For it is not reasonable to be mean-spirited nor to lament yourself, nor to depend on another, nor ever to blame God or man. I entreat you, become an affectionate person in this way, by observing these rules. But if through this affection, as you name it, you are going to be a slave and wretched, there is no profit in being affectionate. And what prevents you from loving another as a person subject to mortality, as one who may go away from you? Did not Socrates love his own children? He did; but it was as a free man, as one who remembered that he must first be a friend to the gods. For this reason he violated nothing which was becoming to a good man, neither in making his defense nor by fixing a penalty on himself,12 nor even in the former part of his life when he was a senator or when he was a soldier. But we are fully supplied with every pretext for being of ignoble temper, some for the sake of a child, some for a mother, and others for brethren’s sake. But it is not fit for us to be unhappy on account of any person, but to be happy on account of all, but chiefly on account of God who has made us for this end. Well, did Diogenes13 love nobody, who was so kind and so much a lover of all that for mankind in general he willingly undertook so much labor and bodily sufferings? He did love mankind, but how? As became a minister of God, at the same time caring for men, and being also subject to God. For this reason all the earth was his country, and no particular place; and when he was taken prisoner he did not regret Athens nor his associates and friends there, but even he became familiar with the pirates and tried to improve them; and being sold afterwards he lived in Corinth as before at Athens; and he would have behaved the same, if he had gone to the country of the Perrhaebi.14 Thus is freedom acquired. For this reason he used to say: Ever since Antisthenes made me free, I have not been a slave. How did Antisthenes make him free? Hear what he says: Antisthenes taught me what is my own, and what is not my own; possessions are not my own, nor kinsmen, domestics, friends, nor reputation, nor places familiar, nor mode of life; all these belong to others. What then is your own? The use of appearances. This he showed to me, that I possess it free from hindrance, and from compulsion, no person can put an obstacle in my way, no person can force me to use appearances otherwise than I wish. Who then has any power over me? Philip or Alexander, or Perdiccas or the great king? How have they this power? For if a man is going to be overpowered by a man, he must long before be overpowered by things. If then pleasure is not able to subdue a man, nor pain, nor fame, nor wealth, but he is able, when he chooses, to spit out all his poor body in a man’s face and depart from life, whose slave can he still be? But if he dwelt with pleasure in Athens, and was overpowered by this manner of life, his affairs would have been at every man’s command; the stronger would have had the power of grieving him. How do you think that Diogenes would have flattered the pirates that they might sell him to some Athenian, that some time he might see that beautiful Piraeus, and the Long Walls and the Acropolis? In what condition would you see them? As a captive, a slave and mean: and what would be the use of it for you?⁠—“Not so: but I should see them as a free man.”⁠—Show me how you would be free. Observe, some person has caught you, who leads you away from your accustomed place of abode and says, “You are my slave, for it is in my power to hinder you from living as you please, it is in my power to treat you gently, and to humble you: when I choose,” on the contrary you are cheerful and go elated to Athens. What do you say to him who treats you as a slave? What means have you of finding one who will resc

Translator Notes

  1. 1.

    See Johann Schweighäuser’s note.

  2. 2.

    See book II chapter V at 26.

  3. 3.

    See book III chapter XIII at 15.

  4. 4.

    Homer, Odyssey i 3.

  5. 5.

    Homer, Odyssey, xvii 487.

  6. 6.

    ἀπέχειν. See book III chapter II at 13. Paul to the Philippians 4:18.

  7. 7.

    Suetonius (Claudius, 25) says: “Peregrinae conditionis homines vetuit usurpare Romana nomina, duntaxat gentilia. Civitatem Romanam usurpantes in campo Esquilino securi percussit.” (John Upton.)

  8. 8.

    This is a denunciation of the hypocrite.

  9. 9.

    “Pity” perhaps means that he will suffer the perturbation of pity, when he ought not to feel it. I am not sure about the exact meaning.

  10. 10.

    “What follows hath no connection with what immediately preceded; but belongs to the general subject of the chapter.” —⁠Elizabeth Carter.

    “The person with whom Epictetus chiefly held this discourse, seems to have been instructed by his friends to pay his respects to some great man at Nicopolis (perhaps the procurator, book III chapter IV at 1) and to visit his house.” —⁠Johann Schweighäuser

  11. 11.

    The reward of virtue is in the acts of virtue. The Stoics taught that virtue is its own reward. When I was a boy I have written this in copies, but I did not know what it meant. I know now that few people believe it; and like the man here, they inquire what reward they shall have for doing as they ought to do. A man of common sense would give no other answer than what Epictetus gives. But that will not satisfy all. The heathens must give the answer: “For what more dost thou want when thou hast done a man a service? Art thou not content that thou hast done something conformable to thy nature, and dost thou seek to be paid for it? just as if the eye demanded a recompense for seeing or the feet for walking.” —⁠Marcus Aurelius, Meditations ix 42. Compare Seneca, De Vita Beata, chapter 9.

  12. 12.

    It was the custom at Athens when the court (the dicasts) had determined to convict an accused person, in some cases at least, to ask him what penalty he proposed to be inflicted on himself; but Socrates refused to do this or to allow his friends to do it, for he said that to name the penalty was the same as admitting his guilt (Xenophon, Apologia, 23). Socrates said that if he did name a proper penalty for himself, it would be that he should daily be allowed to dine in the Prytaneium (Plato, Apology, chapter 26; Cicero, De Oratore, i 54).

  13. 13.

    The character of Diogenes is described very differently by Epictetus from that which we read in common books.

  14. 14.

    A people in Thessaly between the river Peneius and Mount Olympus. It is the same as if Epictetus had said to any remote country.

  15. 15.

    On the word καρπιστήν see the notes in Johann Schweighäuser’s edition. The word is supposed to be formed from καρπίς, καρφίς, festuca.

  16. 16.

    Μεταπίπτοντας. See book I chapter VII.

  17. 17.

    This is an old practice, to go about and sell physic to people. Cicero (Pro Cluentio, chapter 14) speaks of such a quack (pharmacopola), who would do a poisoning job for a proper sum of money. I have seen a travelling doctor in France who went about in a cart and rang a bell, at the sound of which people came round him. Some who were deaf had stuff poured into their ears, paid their money, and made way for others who had other complaints.

  18. 18.

    It was the custom in Roman triumphs for a slave to stand behind the triumphant general in his chariot and to remind him that he was still mortal. Juvenal, Satires x 41.

  19. 19.

    Compare Marcus Aurelius Meditations xi 33 and 34.

  20. 20.

    Marcus Aurelius, Meditations xi 35. Compare book III chapter XIII at 14, and book IV chapter VII at 75.

  21. 21.

    John Upton altered the text οὐκέτι οὖν ἔσομαι; Οὐκ ἔσῃ ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλο τι, οὗ νῦν ὁ κόσμος χρείαν ἔχει, into οὔκετι οὖν ἔσομαι; Ἔσῃ ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλο τι, οὗ νῦν ὁ κόσμος χρείαν οὐκ ἔχει. He says that he made the alteration without manuscript authority, but that the sense requires the change. Johann Schweighäuser does not accept the alteration, nor do I. Schweighäuser remarks that there may be some difficulty in the words οὗ νῦν ὁ κόσμος χρείαν ἔχει. He first supposes that the word “now” (νῦν) means after a man’s death; but next he suggests that ἄλλο τι οὗ means “something different from that of which the world has now need.” A reader might not discover that there is any difficulty. He might also suggest that νῦν ought to be omitted, for if it were omitted, the sense would be still plainer. See book III chapter XIII at 15; and book IV chapter VII at 15.

  22. 22.

    I am not sure if Epictetus ever uses κόσμος in the sense of “Universe,” the “universum” of philosophers. I think he sometimes uses it in the common sense of the world, the earth and all that is on it. Epictetus appears to teach that when a man dies, his existence is terminated. The body is resolved into the elements of which it is formed, and these elements are employed for other purposes. Consistently with this doctrine he may have supposed that the powers, which we call rational and intellectual, exist in man by virtue only of the organisation of his brain which is superior to that of all other animals; and that what we name the soul has no existence independent of the body. It was an old Greek hypothesis that at death the body returned to earth from which it came, and the soul (πνεῦμα) returned to the regions above, from which it came. I cannot discover any passage in Epictetus in which the doctrine is taught that the soul has an existence independent of the body. The opinions of Marcus Aurelius on this matter are contained in his book, Meditations iv 14, 21, and perhaps elsewhere: but they are rather obscure. A recent writer has attempted to settle the question of the existence of departed souls by affirming that we can find no place for them either in heaven or in hell; for the modern scientific notion, as I suppose that it must be named, does not admit the conception of a place heaven or a place hell (David Friedrich Strauss, Der Alte und der Neue Glaube, p. 129).

    We may name Paul a contemporary of Epictetus, for though Epictetus may have been the younger, he was living at Rome during Nero’s reign (54⁠–⁠68 BC); and it is affirmed, whether correctly or not I do not undertake to say, that Paul wrote from Ephesus his first epistle to the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 16:8) in the beginning of 56 AD. Epictetus, it is said, lived in Rome till the time of the expulsion of the philosophers by Domitian, when he retired to Nicopolis an old man, and taught there. Paul’s first epistle to the Corinthians (chapter 15) contains his doctrine of the resurrection, which is accepted, I believe, by all, or nearly all, if there are any exceptions, who profess the Christian faith: but it is not understood by all in the same way.

    Paul teaches that Christ died for our sins, that he was buried and rose again on the third day; and that after his resurrection he was seen by many persons. Then he asks, if Christ rose from the dead, how can some say that there is no resurrection of the dead? “But if there be no resurrection of the dead, then is Christ not risen” (verse 13); and (verse 19), “if in this life only we have hope in Christ, we are of all men most miserable.” But he affirms again (verse 20) that “Christ is risen and become the first fruits of them that slept.” In verse 32, he asks what advantages he has from his struggles in Ephesus, “if the dead rise not: let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die.” He seems not to admit the value of life, if there is no resurrection of the dead; and he seems to say that we shall seek or ought to seek only the pleasures of sense, because life is short, if we do not believe in a resurrection of the dead. It may be added that there is not any direct assertion in this chapter that Christ ascended to heaven in a bodily form, or that he ascended to heaven in any way. He then says (verse 35), “But some man will say: How are the dead raised up? and with what body do they come?” He answers this question (verse 36), “Thou fool, that which thou sowest is not quickened except it die”: and he adds that “God giveth it (the seed) a body as it hath pleased him, and to every seed his own body.” We all know that the body, which is produced from the seed, is not the body “that shall be:” and we also know that the seed which is sown does not die, and that if the seed died, no body would be produced from such seed. His conclusion is that the dead “is sown a natural body; it is raised a spiritual body” (σῶμα πνευματικόν). I believe that the commentators do not agree about this “spiritual body”: but it seems plain that Paul did not teach that the body which will rise will be the same as the body which is buried. He says (verse 50) that “flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God.” Yet in the Apostles’ Creed we pronounce our belief in the “resurrection of the body”: but in the Nicene Creed it is said we look “for the resurrection of the dead,” which is a different thing or may have a different meaning from “the resurrection of the body.” In the ministration of baptism to such as are of riper years, the person to be baptized is asked “Dost thou believe in God the Father Almighty,” etc. in the terms of the Church Creeds, but in place of the resurrection of the body or of the dead, he is asked if he believes “in the resurrection of the flesh.”

    The various opinions of divines of the English church on the resurrection of the body are stated by Augustus Clissold in the Practical Nature of the Theological Writings of Emanuel Swedenborg in a Letter to Whately, Archbishop of Dublin, 1859, 2nd ed.

  23. 23.

    Seneca De Consolatione ad Polybium chapter 30; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations iii 13.

  24. 24.

    Compare book I chapter XII at 2; book II chapter XIV at 11; book III chapter XXVI at 28. “Compare this with the description of the universal care of Providence, Matthew 10:29⁠–⁠30, and the occasion on which it was produced.” —⁠Elizabeth Carter

  25. 25.

    See book I chapter XIX at 19.

  26. 26.

    On the strange words ὀρδινατίων and ὀπτικίοις, which occur in this sentence, see the notes in Johann Schweighäuser’s edition.